conflicts in the North East
12.1 Introduction
1 The Constitution-makers, recognising the
significant difference in the way of life and administrative set up of the
North Eastern region from the rest of the country, provided for special
institutional arrangements for the tribal areas in the region, giving them a
high degree of self governance through autonomous District Councils under the
Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
Even critics agree that the Sixth Schedule
has to some extent satisfied tribal aspirations and has thus prevented many
conflicts. Similarly, the gradual administrative reorganisation of the region
with the formation of the States of Nagaland (1963), Meghalaya (1972),
conferring first, status of Union territory (1972) and subsequently Statehood
(1987) to Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram and elevation of
Following the large scale reorganisation of
the region in 1972, a regional body, the North
Eastern Council (NEC) was set up to provide a forum for inter-State
coordination, regional planning and integrated development of the region to
avoid intra-regional disparities.
The “look-east”
policy announced by the Government of India envisages the North Eastern region
as the centre of a thriving and integrated economic space linked to the
neighbouring countries such as Myanmar and Thailand by a network of rail, road
and communication links criss-crossing the river. The policy tries to leverage
the strategic geographical location of the region, with past historical links
with South East Asia and its rich natural resources (hydel, gas, power etc.) to
transform this region vast potential into reality. However, this requires not
only massive efforts towards infrastructure links but also a major improvement
in the security situation.
2 Nonetheless, for more than half-a-century, the North
East has seen an unending cycle of violent conflicts dominated by insurgencies
with demands ranging from outright sovereignty to greater political autonomy.
Indirectly, insurgent movements have spawned a variety of related conflicts
which are referred to later in this Chapter. Insurgency has taken a toll of thousands
of lives, both of security forces and citizens.
3 Roots of Insurgency: The roots of insurgency in the North Eastern region are
embedded in its geography, history and a host of socio-economic factors.
Ninety-eight per cent of the borders of the region are
international borders, pointing to the region’s tenuous geographical
connectivity with the rest of India. While the population share of the region
at around 3.90 crores is a mere 3 per cent of the national population, its rate
of growth has exceeded two hundred per cent between 1951-2001, generating great
stress on livelihoods and adding to land fragmentation.
While, nominally tribals constitute 27 per cent of the
population of the entire region minus Assam. it increases to 58 per cent for
the remaining States. Percentages, however, do not adequately reflect the
extensive diversity in the tribal population of the region which has more than
125 distinct tribal groups – a diversity not to be seen in States like Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh where tribal populations
predominate.
12.2 Typology of Conflicts
1 Conflicts in the region range from
insurgency for secession to insurgency for autonomy; from ‘sponsored terrorism’
to ethnic clashes, to conflicts generated as a result of continuous inflow of
migrants from across the borders as well as from other States.Conflicts in the
region can be broadly grouped under the following categories:
a. ‘National’
conflicts: Involving concept of a distinct ‘homeland’ as a separate nation
and pursuit of the realisation of that goal by its votaries.
b.
Ethnic conflicts: Involving assertion of numerically smaller and less
dominant tribal groups against the political and cultural hold of the dominant
tribal group. In Assam this also takes the form of tension between local and
migrant communities.
c. Sub-regional
conflicts: Involving movements which ask for recognition of sub-regional
aspirations and often come in direct conflict with the State Governments or
even the autonomous Councils.
2 Besides, criminal enterprise aimed at
expanding and consolidating control over critical economic resources has,
of late, acquired the characteristics of a distinct species of conflict. It has been aptly
observed that:
The conflicts in the North East have some
peculiar characteristics:
-- they are asymmetrical; they are ambiguous,
making it difficult to differentiate a friend from an enemy;
--they are fought in unconventional modes,
deploying political and psychological means and methods;
--the conflicts eventually tend to escalate
into prolonged wars of attrition.
--Violence in the region is
also caused by the failure of the State administration to provide security.
--This has led to the creation of alternative
forces of ethnic militia for provision of security.
--From the perspective of its ethnic
constituency, a private ethnic militia is considered a more reliable provider
of security when it is threatened by another ethnic group that is armed with
its own militia.
--This is usually the context in an ethnically
polarised situation in which the State administration fails to provide security
and the actions of the Army are seen as partisan.
12.3 State Specific Conflict Profiles
1 While the region as a whole displays a
variety of conflicts, it needs to be noted that in its acute form the problem
is endemic in certain well defined areas The ‘variety’ of conflicts besetting
the region will be evident from the short ‘conflict profiles of the region’.
Arunachal Pradesh: The State has remained
peaceful after the cease-fire with NSCN which was active in Tirap District. The
policies initiated under the guidance of Verrier Elwin (a noted anthropologist)
in the 1950s have resulted in considerable cohesion in the area with Hindi
emerging as its lingua franca. There was some disquiet with the settlement of
relatively more enterprising Chakma refugees from Bangladesh in the State in
large numbers which appears to have subsided. Growing income disparities and
constriction of employment opportunities could be a potential source of
conflicts.
Assam : A wide variety of ethnic conflicts prevail in
the State e.g. agitations against ‘influx of foreigners’, perceived inability
of the Government to deport them; occasional tensions between religious/linguistic groups and
escalating conflicts involving tribal communities who seek local autonomy etc.
1 National/Extremist
Conflicts:
Undivided Assam had the longest
history of insurgency. Naga and Mizo insurgencies were the earliest to flare
up. The affected areas formed two districts of the State. Even in the present
truncated Assam, there are a number of extremist outfits led by the United Liberation Front of
Assam (ULFA). It has also been argued that there have been several contributing
factors for the youth to join the cadres of UL FA such as unemployment, corruption in Government machinery, influx
of illegal migrants, dominance of non-Assamese in the business sector,
perception of exploitation of Assam’s natural resources by the Centre and
alleged human right violation by the Security Forces.
It became active
from the 1980s and till the late 1990s, enjoyed considerable public support due
to a perception that ‘insurgency is causing secessions’ from Assam and that if
only the Assamese had launched a violent counter-agitation, the situation would
have been different.
The average
Assamese also regarded the six years of largely non-violent agitation for
‘expulsion of foreigners’ as having achieved very little ‘success’. With large
scale criminalisation of ULFA cadres in the 1990s there was a rapid loss of
public support particularly among the urban middle classes. ULFA has not
recovered its past strength though the organisation tries to make its presence
felt through kidnappings, bomb blasts and selective murder of migrant workers.
In addition, almost all tribal communities have some armed outfits purportedly
safeguarding their interests.
There has recently been a
large ULFA crackdown in Bangladesh,
which has significantly assisted the government of India in
bringing ULFA leaders to talks. In January 2010, ULFA softened its stand and
dropped the demand for independence as a condition for talks with the
Government of India.On 3 September 2011, a tripartite agreement for
Suspension of Operations (SoO) against ULFA was signed between Indian
Government, Assam government and ULFA.
2 Ethnic
Conflict: The major ethnic conflict in the
State is the grievance against the perceived influx of ‘foreigners’ i.e. people
with a language and culture substantially different from the Assamese from
across the border (i.e. Bangladesh). The ‘foreigners’ agitation’ of 1979-85
brought Assam to the centre stage of attention. The problem can be traced to
the early years of the last century when the landless from the neighbouring
overpopulated districts of East Bengal started arriving in the fertile and then
substantially fallow Brahmaputra valley.
Following communal rioting in East Pakistan in the 1950s
and 1960s there were further waves of migration from the minority community of
that country. Still later, growing unemployment, fragmentation of land and the
war for the liberation of Bangladesh encouraged a renewed influx even from the
majority community. With the fear of being culturally and politically
‘swamped’, resentment built up among the Assamese and escalated into one of
independent India’s most prolonged and vigorous agitations. While both the
Union and State Governments have accorded priority to the process of detection
and deportation of illegal migrants (foreigners), the issue continues to simmer
with the ‘original’ inhabitants claiming that for reasons of ‘vote
bank politics’ effective steps are not being taken to deport the ‘trespassers’
while people sharing the religious-linguistic profile of the ‘foreigners’ claim
that they are harassed and unreasonably forced to “prove” their Indian
citizenship.
Manipur: Currently, it is the ‘most insurgency ridden’ State with
about fifteen violent outfits representing different tribes/communities active
in the State and has become a selffinancing extortion activity particularly in
the Valley.
1 One fourth of Manipur (which is the valley), is home to
more than seventy per cent of its population which predominantly consists of
the culturally distinct Meitei community. The State was ruled as a monarchy
(later princely state) by Meitei rulers. The Meitei influence declined in the
socio-economic spheres after Independence with the tribals coming into the
forefront largely because of reservations.
There was also
resentment in a section of the Meitei society about the merger of the State
with the Indian Union – a resentment which led to the Meitei insurgency from
the 1960s. Tribals account for around thirty per cent of the State’s population
and broadly belong to Naga, Kuki-Chin and Mizo groups. Insurgency in Nagaland
and Mizoram also spilled over to the State.
The ‘cultural
distance’ of tribals from the Meiteis widened with almost all the tribes coming
under the Christian fold by the 1930s. There is considerable tension among the
tribes over land and boundaries and violence between Nagas and Kukis took a
toll of more than 2000 lives during the 1990s.
2 The cease-fire between the Union Government and the
National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) has reduced violence in Naga
areas but has given rise to fresh tensions as the NSCN insists on a greater
‘Nagalim’ which would include four Districts of Manipur. This is stoutly
resisted by the Meiteis and had caused a very violent agitation in 2001. The
assurance to safeguard the ‘territorial integrity of Manipur’ has resulted in
comparative peace on this score. In the southern parts of the state Hmars,
Paite and other tribes have been waging violent struggles partly for local
hegemony and partly for their own enclave in the form of a Union Territory
called “Zomi’.
District Councils in the Hill areas are nonfunctional
since 1985 as most of the tribal communities want these Councils to be brought
under the Sixth Schedule. This demand is vociferously opposed by those in the
Valley. In short, Manipur continues to be an active arena for a multiplicity of
violent conflicts.
3 It is reported that today militant organisations are
virtually running a parallel government in many districts of manipur and they
are able to influence the decision of the State Government in awarding
contracts, supply orders and appointments in government service. It is also
reported that militant organisations indulge in widespread extortion and hold
‘courts’ and dispense justice in their areas of influence. Such a situation
results in erosion of faith of the people in the constitutional governance
machinery.
4 Since there has not been any significant industrial
development in the State, there are no major industries or manufacturing units
which could provide employment for the educated youth. The biggest employer
continues to be the State not only in Manipur but the entire region. The
educated youth has, therefore, to look for employment in far off places like
Delhi, Mumbai, Pune and Bengaluru, etc.
Meghalaya: The
State is fortunately free from violence of the intensity that prevails in many
other parts of the region. Except violence against ‘outsiders’ particularly the
Bengali speaking linguistic minority, there have been no major problems in the
State. The following are some future areas of concern:
a. Increasing clash of interest between the State
Government and the Sixth Schedule District Councils – the entire State is under
that Schedule.
b. Increasing inter-tribal rivalry.
c. Emerging tensions about infiltration from Bangladesh
particularly in the Garo Hills.
Mizoram: The
State with its history of violent insurgency and its subsequent return to peace
is an example to all other violence affected States.
Following an
‘accord’ between the Union Government and the Mizo National Front in 1986 and
conferment of statehood the next year, complete peace and harmony prevails in
Mizoram. The State is recognized as having done a commendable job in the
implementation of development programmes and making agriculture remunerative.
The only potential areas of conflict are the growing income and assets
disparities in a largely egalitarian society and the dissatisfaction of the three
small non-Mizo District Councils with the State Government, on account of
issues
pertaining to identity and reservation as STs.
Nagaland: Following
the cease-fire with the dominant Muivah-Swu of the NSCN, the State is virtually
free from overt violent unrest although as already noted, it is the original
‘hot spot’ of insurgency.
The minority Khaplang faction which does not approve of
the cease-fire has also, on the whole, remained peaceful. Certain areas of
concern with regard to the future are:
(a) The lingering issue of a final political settlement including
the demand for ‘greater Nagaland’ or ‘Nagalim’ which as already noted is
causing disquiet in the neighbouring areas, particularly Manipur.
(b) Growing competition over the limited resources of the
State and the problem of unemployment of the educated youth.
Sikkim: The State has not only done well in the sphere of
development through decentralised planning but the constitutional mandate of
striking a balance between the various ethnic groups (mainly the Lepchas,
Bhutiyas and Nepalis) has also prevented emergence of major conflicts.
Tripura: The State’s demographic profile was altered since 1947
when mass migrations from the newly emerged East Pakistan converted it from a
largely tribal area to one with a majority of Bengali speaking plainsmen. Tribals
were deprived of their agricultural lands at throw-away prices and driven to
the forests.
The resultant tensions caused major violence and widespread
terror with the tribal dominated Tripura National Volunteers (TNV) emerging as one
of the most violent extremist outfits in the North East. Proximity to Mizoram
exposed the State to the ‘side effects’ of that insurgency.
However, effective
decentralisation in the ‘non-scheduled areas’, bringing tribal areas within the
purview of an autonomous ‘Sixth Schedule’ Council, successful land reforms and
systematic promotion of agriculture have contributed to considerable conflict reduction.
The changing religious composition of tribal groups
(particularly, the Jamatiyas) is giving rise to newer tensions with
apprehension of increased inter-tribal conflicts. While the tribal non-tribal
clashes are on the decline, there is growing resentment among the tribals due
to the restrictions on their ‘freedom to use’ the forests and their nominal
participation in district development.
Despite impressive
strides made by the State in the last decade, the fact remains that the virtual
embargo on trans-border movement of goods, and services to Bangladesh from
Tripura have impeded the tempo of economic growth of the State. The Ministry of
External Affairs should take up this Tripura specific issue during bilateral
negotiations for increased economic cooperation with Bangladesh.
12.4 Modes of Conflict Resolution
The
modes of conflict resolution in the North East have been through;
(i)
security forces/ ‘police action’;
(ii) more local autonomy through mechanisms
such as conferment of Statehood, the Sixth Schedule, Article 371 C of the
Constitution in case of Manipur and through ‘tribe specific accords’ in Assam
etc;
(iii) negotiations with insurgent outfits;
and
(iv) development activities including special
economic packages. Many of these methods have proved successful in the short-term. However, some
of these interventions have had unintended, deleterious consequences as well.
The manner of ‘resolution’ of conflicts in certain areas has led to fresh ones
in others and to a continuous demand cycle. There is, however, no doubt that
conflict prevention and resolution in the North East would require a judicious mix of various approaches strengthened by the
experience of successes and failures of the past.
Mention may, in particular, be made of the role of
security forces in counter-insurgency operations dealt with by the Commission
in its Fifth Report, on “Public Order”. That Report inter alia recommends that
the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 may be repealed in the North East
with some of its provisions49
incorporated in the Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 to enable the Security Forces to have
operational freedom consistent with human rights concerns.
There are many other recommendations pertaining to Police
reforms and toning up the local intelligence set up etc that would also apply
to the situation in the North East. There are certain other aspects of dealing
with the menace of insurgent outfits that will be dealt with in the report of
the Commission on ‘Terrorism”.
The Commission
would, however, like to reiterate that even in dealing with the purely ‘law and
order aspects’ of insurgency and violence in the region, much greater reliance needs
to be placed on the local police than has been the case so far.
While deployment of the Armed Forces of the Union may be
required, there is a strong case for minimising
their use for operational purposes in a region which
still continues to harbour a sense of alienation.
Similarly, utilising the ‘non-police components’ of
administration and civil society organisations for handling conflicts needs
much greater attention than has so far been given. The needed measures to
achieve these and similar objectives have been dealt with elsewhere in this
Report.
The other mode of
conflict resolution is the developmental approach. This approach embodies the
thinking that if institutions of development are created in the region and plan
outlays substantially increased, the problems of politics, society, ethnic
strife, militant assertion and of integration will get minimised.
From the 1980s, there has been substantial increase in
public expenditure in the region and there is a stipulation that 10% of the spending
of every Ministry/department in the Union Government should be earmarked for
the North East. That the fruits of development have not adequately percolated
to the beneficiaries is widely recognized. While a detailed analysis of the
problem is beyond the remit of this Report, it must be conceded that the
reasons for such failure vary from lack of local absorptive capacity and
inappropriate development strategies to corruption and diversion of funds, often to the coffers of insurgents.
Of particular concern is the well documented siphoning of
food-grains meant for the public distribution system a large proportion of
which falls in the hands of the militants.
Similarly, the virtual extortion racket
run by various militant groups at a number of points, marking several
transitions from one militant group’s area of influence to the next, collection
of protection money from business and salaried classes etc have been extensively
documented.
Consequently, many observers feel
that some parts of the North East now represent a state of ‘stable anarchy’ where the rule of law and other institutions of
governance are subverted directly or through collusive arrangements, to serve
personal or partisan ends of the militants.
Reform and
capacity building of various institutions of governance are, therefore, essential
if development efforts are to play their intended role in reducing disparities
and alienation.
12.5 Conflict Resolution – the Political
Paradigm
The
realisation that the people of the North East needed special support to have their
voice heard in a large polity with which they had little contact was evident
since Independence itself.
This realisation led to the Sixth Schedule, a
model of decentralized governance that was clearly revolutionary from the
perspective of the 1940s.
Subsequent developments like bringing many
Naga areas within an autonomous framework (1957), formation of the State of
Nagaland (1963), creation of an autonomous tribal State within Assam (1971) and
the large-scale reorganisation of the region (1972) indicate the keenness of
the national political leadership to deal with discontent and alienation in the
North East not as a simple ‘restoration of order’ issue, but through provision
of greater opportunities of devolution and participation in the political
processes
There
is a case for now working towards making the existing political
instrumentalities realise their potential for the growth and well being of this
important part of our country.
At the
political level, therefore, what is now required is the strengthening of the
rule of law and constitutional politics, the authority and legitimacy of the
democratically elected State and local governments. This would satisfy the need
for introducing accountability and democratic practice into the conflict
resolution machinery in the North East. It would also involve an enhanced role
for the legislatures, State administration and elected local governments in the region.
Recent developments such as the establishment of elected village
councils in the Sixth Schedule areas in Tripura, the successful initiative of
elected VEC and AEC in Meghalaya to implement the NREGA, the effective
involvement of the largely elected Village Area Development Committees in
Nagaland and the initiation of communitisation are all testimony of how
democratic processes in village governance and development can yield positive
results. This would call for bringing elements of democratic processes in local
governance and development in the North East.
In particular, there is need for introducing village
self-governance in the Sixth Schedule areas (as appropriate
to the specific conditions in each State), strengthening
and providing resources to the autonomous councils to carry out their assigned
executive responsibilities and for making suitable changes in respect of the
tribal areas outside the Sixth Schedule and the tribe-specific Councils of
Assam. It would also require revamping of the existing system of delivery of public
services by entrusting this responsibility to the local bodies. These aspects
are dealt with later in this Chapter.
12.6 Capacity Building for Conflict Resolution
(i) Capacity
Building in Administration
(ii) Capacity Building in Police
(iii) Capacity Building in Local Governance
Institutions
(iv) Capacity Building in Regional
Institutions
(v) Capacity Building in other Institutions
12.6.1 Capacity Building in Administration
Familiarity with the place and its issues,
professional competence and a sense of empathy with the people are all
essential pre-requisites for civil servants belonging to both the All India
Services as also to the services under the State Governments.
At present, a majority of the direct recruits
to the All India Services are from outside the region. Till 1968,
senior administrative positions in Manipur,
Tripura, Nagaland and NEFA (as Arunachal Pradesh was then known) were held by a region-specific
Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS) consisting of officers drawn from
the Armed Forces, academics and other services who volunteered to serve in the
area.
This Service was merged with the IAS for a variety of
reasons including the desire of its members to have better career opportunities.
Even thereafter, the problem of officers willing to serve in the region
persists. This is due both to disinclination of outsiders to serve in the
region and to the limited number of posts available at senior levels within the
region.
Local officials, both direct recruits and ‘promotees’, on
the other hand, also complain about limited opportunities for professional development
as they do not get adequate opportunities to serve outside the region.
Members of the State services, particularly, have limited
exposure to diverse work situations.
The extreme shortage of officers in the North Eastern
States is attributed by many to the system of cadre allotment in the All India
Services as per which insiders have very little chance of being allotted their
home state. Government of Nagaland, for example, has contended that the present
roster system enabled just one Naga candidate to be allotted to the home cadre
in over a decade.
Until the 1970s,
officers from outside Assam and the then Union Territories in the region were
willing to serve in the North East particularly on deputation – for example
from Punjab, Madhya Pradesh etc.
Today, it is regarded as a punishment posting; one of the
reasons being that almost all the States are affected, in one form or another,
by insurgency or due to limited “professional” experience.
Regional institutions involved with the development of
the area such as the NEC which were once vibrant, are much less effective now. There is an urgent need to
reverse this trend. Government of India, in recognition of the difficult
conditions in the North East, has already given several special incentives and
facilities to officers working in this region. Perhaps, these need to be
enlarged with more choices like permitting officers to have government
accommodation at a place of their choice rather than at the last place of
posting.
Similarly, opportunities to work in larger States for
increased professional experience is also advisable. Simultaneously, there
should be more opportunities for local officers including those from the
Technical Services on secondment to serve outside their States. Setting up regional
training institutions for administrative and technical officials, liberal
funding for obtaining higher qualifications in the country and abroad are some
other incentives which should be provided.
Institutional capacity building within the administrative
apparatus is as important as capacity upgradation of administrative personnel.
The political executive, within the North Eastern States,
too, needs to be sensitised to the imperatives of systemic reforms for peace,
order and development.
Initiatives for
good governance in the region would include laying down a concrete charter for
administrative reforms and good governance in the region in close association
with the States and its systematic monitoring by the NEC.
There is also a case for taking into account the
performance of States in fulfilling their commitments under the charter of the
NEC for determining their eligibility for special economic packages or other
specified items of funding.
12.6.2 Capacity Building in Police
The only regional level institution for
training police officials is the North Eastern Police Academy (NEPA) near
Shillong which caters to the induction level training of Gazetted police
officers of all States in the region other than Assam.
The institution needs to be strengthened through augmentation
of infrastructure and induction of instructors from various sources including the
Central Police Organisations on attractive conditions. Considerable financial
and other incentives are necessary to induce police officers with
proven track record in operational matters to work in the academy.
On the subject of
sufficiency of the police force in the North East, the same Committee noted:
“The availability of policemen per hundred square
kilometers of area is higher in the Northeastern States, compared to all-India
average, taking into account the thin population and terrain conditions.
Compared to
all-India average of 42 policemen for hundred square kilometers of area,
Tripura has 117 policemen, Nagaland 91 and Manipur 63.
In terms of population, the availability is certainly very
high. Compared to the all-India average of 136 policemen per lakh of
population, Nagaland has 950, Mizoram 752 Manipur 593 and Tripura 341. We beg
to differ on this point.
The situation in
major parts of India is highly different from the situation that prevails in the
states comprising the Northeastern part of our country. It does not admit of
any comparison. The work load on different aspects of police work in each North
Eastern state has to be assessed taking to account the various duties performed
by the police in each such state in the last three years and the requirement of
staff needs to be worked out.”
The Commission
agrees with the findings of the Committee. It is imperative that norms of
deployment are worked out for each State having regard to the local situation
so that the benefits of (at least) relatively comfortable police strength are
available to the largely insecure population.
Inter-State
movement of police personnel at all levels is as important as similar ventures
in civil administration. If opportunity could be provided to police officials, particularly
at the level of Inspectors (and equivalent in the armed police) to serve in the
Central Police Organisations, the results should be particularly rewarding for
developing professionalism. Bringing officers from outside the
region will also have similar benefits.
12.6.3 Capacity Building in Local
Governance Institutions
The North East, for reasons of history and
ethnic diversity, has a wider variety of local self-governance institutions
than elsewhere in the country. Some of the more important institutions are
discussed under the following heads:
• Sixth Schedule Councils;
• Village self-governance in the Tribal North
East;
• Tribe Specific Councils in Assam; and
• Other issues of Local Governance.
1 Sixth Schedule Councils
It may not be necessary to deal with the
details of this Schedule adopted under Article 244 of the Constitution beyond
very briefly noting its essential outlines.
It was adopted primarily to address the
political aspirations of the Nagas (who, however, refused it
on the ground that it offered ‘too little’).
In essence, it lays down a framework of autonomous decentralised governance in
certain predominantly tribal areas of undivided Assam with legislative and
executive powers over subjects like water, soil, land, local customs and culture.
Many aspects of local governance are entrusted to the largely elected .
The subjects assigned to the Councils outside
Meghalaya have been vastly expanded over the years – for the Bodoland
Territorial Council established in 2003 the jurisdiction embraces almost all
the items in Lists II and III. Except Tripura and Bodoland Councils, these
bodies have also been given judicial powers to settle certain types of civil and
criminal cases.
Legislations passed by the Autonomous
Councils come into effect only after the assent of the Governor. While the
power to amend the Schedule vests in Parliament through an ordinary legislation, the Governor has the
power to create a new autonomous district or merge such districts on the
recommendation of a Commission to be appointed by the Governor and to vary the area of such districts or to
include or exclude such areas within such districts without the recommendations
of the Commission. This Commission is also expected to examine and submit the
state of administration in the autonomous districts.
The original areas under the Schedule were the present
States of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Mizoram and North Cachar and Karbi Anglong
(originally known as Mikir Hills) districts of Assam. While, as already noted,
the Naga areas refused to elect a Council, the Mizo Council (initially, called
the Lushai Hills Council) was dissolved following the formation of the Union Territory
of Mizoram in 1972.
Subsequently, five more Councils were created viz; three
smaller councils in Mizoram representing non-Mizo minority tribes –Mara, Chakma
and Lai; one Autonomous Council straddling tribal areas spread all
over Tripura and a Territorial Council for three districts in Assam with a
majority of Bodo tribes.
Later, the powers of the ‘Assam Councils’ were enlarged
to include subjects like primary education, health and welfare. The Bodoland
Council in fact, now enjoys almost all the powers in Lists II and III of the
Seventh Schedule.
The Sixth Schedule Councils have thus been given more
powers than the local bodies (before or even after the Seventy-third
Amendment), in the rest of the country.
While many areas under the Schedule have seen turmoil and
violence, it is generally agreed that the autonomy paradigm prescribed under it
has brought a degree of equilibrium within tribal societies particularly
through formal dispute resolution under customary laws and through control of
money-lending etc.
In Assam, Tripura
and Mizoram, the autonomous Councils have power to decide if a State
legislation, on a subject under the competence of the Council, may not apply or
only apply with such exceptions as may be decided by these bodies within their territories.
Union legislations on similar subjects can be excluded
from applying to these areas by the State Government in Assam and the Union
Government in the other two States. Such areas are visualised as
administratively ‘self-sufficient’. In fact, the Schedule has meant State level
executive agencies withdrawing from such areas as became evident in the context of disturbances in Karbi Anglong.
Meghalaya displays a peculiar situation as, despite the
formation of the State, (and unlike Mizoram), the whole of the State continues to be under the Sixth Schedule causing
frequent conflicts with the State Government which, however, enjoys certain
overriding powers over these bodies including the supremacy of State
legislation vis a vis ‘Council legislation’.
While the continuance of autonomous Councils in Meghalaya
is said to have contributed to maintenance of inter-tribe equations, the arrangement has frequently resulted in
conflicts with the State Government. It was
argued by the State officials that the arrangement of the
geographical area of the State and the Councils being identical, was
unprecedented in the region. It was also contended that in the circumstances of
a predominantly tribal State like Meghalaya, district level legislative bodies
were no longer necessary.
During the Commission’s visit to Assam and Meghalaya,
representatives of the Councils expressed dissatisfaction about their
inter-face with the State Governments concerned – there was a feeling that
these autonomous bodies are treated as extensions of the Government. While the
various provisions of the Schedule create an impression that the Governor under that Schedule is to act at his
discretion, the present position is that in almost all matters the Governor
acts on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
This is an important issue. There are provisions in the
Schedule which envisage a role for the State Government. Paragraph 14(3), for
instance, requires that one of the Ministers of the Government be put in charge
with the subject of autonomous districts.
Sub-paragraph (2) of the same provision requires that the
report of Commission for inquiring into the affairs of autonomous Districts and
creation of new Districts etc will be laid before the State legislature.
Similarly, paragraph 15 dealing with annulment of
resolutions and suspension of Councils, and paragraph 16 which enables their
dissolution are subject respectively to the powers of revocation and approval
of the State legislature.
For matters requiring approval or ratification of the
Assembly, it is obvious that the Governor would be acting on the ‘aid and advice’
within the meaning of Article 163 (1) of the Constitution and not on his
discretion.
There are other provisions, however, where there is scope
for the Governor to act in his judgment after obtaining inputs from suitable
sources including the State Government.
Some of these provisions would appear to be conferment of
powers on the Councils under the Code of Civil Procedure (CPC) and the CrPC
(para 5); powers to approve Council legislations and regulations (paragraphs 3
and 8); resolving disputes about mining licences and leases (para 9) etc.
At the commencement of the Constitution and for more than
two decades thereafter, all the Autonomous Districts were located within the
State of Assam. It was therefore quite in order in that State for the Governor
to appoint a Commission to inquire into the state of administration in such
districts and to examine other matters mentioned in paragraph 14.
With four States now having such districts, this
arrangement deserves reconsideration. Besides, in the last two decades this
provision has not been invoked at all resulting in lower standards of
governance in these sensitive areas. In the opinion of the Commission, there is
a case for a common Commission for all Autonomous Districts under the Schedule by the Union Government and for
providing appointment of such a Commission at fixed intervals. The Commission
also notes that a similar recommendation has been made by the Expert Committee
of the Ministry of Panchayati Raj headed by one of its members.
Another emerging area of conflict is the rising disparity
between the autonomous Councils and the local bodies established in pursuance
of the Seventy-third Amendment as the latter are being more liberally funded
through the State Finance Commissions.
This disparity is likely to become particularly important
in Assam and Tripura where both categories of local bodies co-exist.
Similarly, there is a feeling of discontent in the two
older Councils of Assam over what is perceived as preferential treatment to the
new autonomous Council viz the Bodoland Territorial Council, in the matter of
procedures relating to release of funds as well as the basis of budget
allocations etc.
While Article 243 M (1) expressly exempts areas under the
Sixth Schedule from operation of the Seventy-third Amendment, there is no bar on
some of the arrangements introduced by it to be engrafted in that Schedule.
2 Village
Level Self-governance in the Tribal North East
Another area of potential resentment and dissatisfaction
is the virtual absence of elected representative bodies at the village level in
most of the Scheduled areas. With Panchayati Raj bodies stabilising over much
of the North East including Arunachal Pradesh (an area that was kept out of the
Sixth Schedule, on the grounds that it was too ‘primitive’) there is bound to
be a feeling of deprivation in areas left out.
At the commencement of the Constitution, there was no
village level elective element even in the non-Scheduled areas. Therefore, there was nothing unusual in the Sixth
Schedule neglecting village self governance. The situation has, over the years,
changed significantly.
Within the Sixth Schedule areas some innovation like
elected village councils in Tripura and the partially elected Village Executive
Committees being tried in parts of Meghalaya for overseeing implementation of
the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act attest to the realization of the
importance of village level representative institutions. In the non-Scheduled
areas, Nagaland has formalised Village Area Development Boards as a ‘mix’ of
traditional village leaders and elected representatives with a role in
village governance.
Mizoram and the hill areas of Manipur have no formal
village level representative bodies. In some tribal districts of Assam, in fact, elected village Panchayats were in
existence prior to these areas being brought under the Sixth Schedule; they
have ceased to exist since then.
An examination of the Sixth Schedule reveals that it
gives ample scope for providing village self-governance. Clauses (e) and (f )
of paragraph 3 (1) provide for establishment of, inter alia, Village Committees
/ Councils and investing them with powers and other functions relating to
village administration including village policing, public health and sanitation
etc. There is nothing in these clauses to suggest that these bodies cannot be
elected. Given the scheme of the Schedule, establishment of elected village Councils
will require suitable legislations by the Autonomous Councils concerned.
To induce the Councils to adopt this ‘reform agenda’, it
may be necessary to link discharge of this responsibility with release of part
of the grants to the Councils. Whether elected village Councils should
necessarily replace traditional village headmen is a ticklish question and has
to be approached with tact, caution and patience.
Wherever justice is administered by village level
institutions, particularly in the Sixth Schedule areas, the laws applicable
particularly in respect of land and boundary disputes are local customary laws.
In the absence of codification of such laws, there is often ambiguity about
their integration resulting in parties being dis-satisfied and this age old
system of conflict resolution becoming less effective.
This underscores
the need for codification of customary laws including those based on local
usage. The codification of the customary laws by the Chakma Autonomous Council
in Mizoram is generally recognised as a conspicuous success. It is imperative
that in all States where by virtue of the Sixth Schedule or other laws, village
bodies administer justice, the applicable laws are duly codified by the tribes
with the help of the government.
3 Tribe
Specific Councils in Assam
Six tribe-specific Councils straddling twelve districts
of Assam exist in areas where three-tier Panchayati Raj Institutions have
already been established along with corresponding village councils.
An unusual feature
of the Councils is that in order to cover as many habitations of the ‘tribe
concerned’ as possible their jurisdiction not only transcends district
boundaries but also ‘skips’ areas lacking the relevant population to cover pockets of that population in the so called
‘satellite areas’. In other words, the jurisdiction of such Council is often
spread over geographically ‘non-contiguous’ areas.
These bodies are a
culmination of conflict resolution exercises undertaken by the Government of Assam
to deal with assertion of identity by the tribes concerned. In fact, each of
the Councils is the result of ‘accords’ entered between the government and the tribe
concerned during the 1990s.
These Councils run parallel to the Zila Parishads while
the village Panchayats and village councils under the Councils vie for
virtually the same space. Even if the tribe specific arrangements and the
Panchayati Raj structures are not mutually antagonistic, they certainly lack
complementarities.
The Committee was of the view that bringing these
Councils under the Fifth Schedule would resolve this duality. However, as far
as the Bodoland areas are concerned, these have already been given a special
status under the Sixth Schedule by a constitutional Amendment in 2003.
In view of the
lack of spatial cohesion of these bodies, their programmes in areas like rural
roads, minor irrigation, control of soil erosion and village and cottage
industries are impossible to implement.
In fact, funding
of these bodies is exclusively dependent on allocations from the tribal
sub-plan and the outlays available from this source by no means match the
requirements projected by the Councils. The Commission appreciates the fact
that compelling socio-political and administrative reasons had weighed with the
State Government in establishing these bodies.
Aspirations of
tribes not dominating a geographically discrete area could perhaps be met only
through imperfect solutions like these. The arrangement, however, gives cause
for concern as to its long-term viability and apprehension that this conflict resolution
measure could spawn more conflicts.
Clearly, efforts
must be made to ensure that, as far as possible, the role to be performed by
tribe specific bodies does not overlap those of the Panchayati Raj Institutions
and that mechanisms exist to prevent and iron out differences between the two streams. It should be kept in mind that
in areas of mixed ethnic composition, existence of bodies with overlapping
jurisdiction could exacerbate conflicts. The basic objectives could best be
achieved if the functional responsibilities of the two streams are kept
distinct.
4 Other
Issues of Local Governance
Arunachal Pradesh is the only State outside the Sixth
Schedule area to which provisions of the Seventy-third Amendment apply.
Nagaland, Manipur and most of Mizoram while being outside the Schedule are also
exempted from the purview of the said Amendment. Out of these three States,
Nagaland has made significant progress to provide at least partly elected
village level institutions and to bring community participation in the delivery
of services through a highly successful ‘Communitisation Act’.
Mizoram has abolished the hereditary village ‘chieftains’
and replaced them with elected Village Councils all over the State including
the urban areas – the State capital Aizawl has a multiplicity of councils.
Growing urbanisation requires provision of ‘integrated’ civic amenities for which
the urban municipal model has proved very useful. It is understood that the
State Government is contemplating a legislation to introduce a municipal body
for Aizawl. This needs to be expedited.
In Manipur, the situation in the hill areas is a cause
for concern. While the valley districts are covered under the Seventy-third
Amendment, hill areas are in the exempted category.
there has been a demand from a significant section of
tribal population for bringing these areas under the Sixth Schedule. The demand is strongly opposed by the valley
areas on the ground that it would lead to dismemberment of the State. In the
absence of these Councils, grassroots level services like primary education,
veterinary care and local arts and crafts have been adversely affected and a
forum for ventilating local problems has also been dispensed with. It appears
that after hardening of attitudes on both sides, not much efforts have been
made to break the stalemate.
Manipur continues to be the only State where elected
village councils have not so far been set up while the village authorities
involved with regulation of village affairs are largely a body of traditional
village principals. In the absence of representative grassroots level bodies,
selection of beneficiaries and monitoring of poverty alleviation schemes and
similar interventions has suffered considerably. While much greater efforts are
required to build consensus on the issue of District Councils in the State,
urgent action is needed to bring in suitable legislation to introduce elected village self-governance in the hill
areas of the State.
12.6.4 Capacity Building in Regional
Institutions
1 The North Eastern Council
The most significant ‘supra State’
institution of the region is the North Eastern Council (NEC) set up in 1972,
following the enactment of the North Eastern Council Act, 1971. Its creation
was necessitated by the reorganisation of the region into five States and two
Union Territories and in response to the twin needs of effecting better
inter-State/UT coordination, for maintenance of internal security and for
facilitating planned, integrated development of the North East.
In pursuance of that provision and on the recommendations
of an expert Committee (2003), it was decided
that normally, the Union Minister for Development of the
North Eastern Region shall preside over the NEC. Two full-time members have
also been inducted to the Council.
In the absence of a systematic overall organisational
appraisal of the NEC so far, it is difficult to be categorical about its
successes and failures. It is, however, a fact that like many other high level
bodies, transaction of purposive business by the NEC has been hampered, as its
proceedings tend to be dominated by rhetoric with limited time devoted to deliberations.
Similarly,
increasing State plan outlays, coupled with ever increasing central subventions
through statutory transfers, centrally sponsored schemes and ad hoc allocations
have resulted in a ‘shift of attention’ of the member-States from this regional
institution.
It must however be
acknowledged that NEC sponsored schemes have contributed significantly to
improve inter-State road and air connectivity, substantially augment power
distribution and harmonious regional cooperation.
It is agreed by
all that the inter-State institutions of medical, dental, technical and
paramedical education established and maintained by it in different parts of
the region have not only added to the development of human resources but have also enhanced better understanding between
different areas within the region.
To review the role of the NEC in conflict reduction,
reference may first be made to the mandate given to it originally under Section
4 of its Act, and the present position. Initially, the Council had a three-fold
mandate of
(a) considering
issues in which two or more States of the region had an interest and to advise
the Central Government in the matter;
(b) preparation of regional plans
(c) security
coordination in the region.
Following the amendments, its present charter is:
(a) To function as a regional planning body;
(b) To finance and implement projects of benefit to two
or more States (except Sikkim);
(c) To review the pace of development in the region
particularly in the context of the regional development plans; and
(d) To review measures taken by the States to maintain
security and public order in the region.
For the purposes of this Report, the role of the NEC in
conflict resolution may be studied in three contexts – NEC as an inter-State
coordinating body; NEC as a Regional Planning body and its role in ensuring
maintenance of Public Order. These aspects are briefly considered in the
succeeding paragraphs.
One of the primary functions of the Council is to act as
a forum to review the pace of development in the region. it is clear that in
matters like movement of supplies, including food-grains and passengers, local
taxation policies and border disputes etc, a coordinating and problem solving
forum is still highly relevant for the North Eastern Region.
It is, therefore, imperative that the original provisions
for inter-State coordination with its direct nexus with conflict resolution is
restored.
The amendments to the NEC Act of 2002, as noted earlier,
while somewhat narrowing the scope of the advisory jurisdiction of the Council
more explicitly states its responsibility to review maintenance of security and
public order.
Explicit introduction of this responsibility through the
2002 amendment, creates problems for the DONER,
as the ‘administrative Ministry’ for the NEC. DONER has
been assigned no role in the sphere of security in the region. NEC, therefore,
has to directly deal with the Ministry of Home Affairs in discharging this
responsibility. The larger issue is how to work out the modalities of
discharging this responsibility.
It is clear that
if the ambit of ‘internal security reviews’ has to extend even a little beyond
holding meetings, the NEC secretariat will need to be more actively involved in
security coordination issues. To facilitate meaningful reviews, the Council secretariat must involve itself with
the emerging developments in the field. Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) also
needs to take a view whether ‘security and public order reviews’ under the
aegis of the NEC offer benefits which cannot be had by the MHA’s own reviews.
MHA must further consider whether special empowerment of the NEC entailed by
this responsibility will result in increased administrative burden on the agencies normally involved in monitoring the law and
order scenario in the region.
To effectively coordinate or even assist in deliberations
on internal security related issues, the Council secretariat would need
suitable augmentation. In short, adequate preparatory arrangements are
necessary if the renewed mandate of the NEC for internal security reviews is to
be meaningfully discharged.
With intra-regional disparities and uneven distribution
of the fruits of development becoming increasingly evident within the North
East, the role of regional planning in anticipating and moderating grievances
and ensuring sustainable growth has become
more relevant.
Factors like a common resource base, comparable
agro-climatic systems and similar environment, all make the North East a
logical unit of regional planning.
Inter-State projects, particularly in communication and the
many regional institutions imparting a variety of professional education, and
services like tertiary health care have definitely promoted regional amity and
cohesion.
It is open to serious
doubt, however, whether despite positive contributions of the organisation to
the development of a very disadvantaged region of the country, it has been able
to live up to its statutory mandate of being a ‘regional planning body’. With
very similar resource bases and opportunities, the States of the region are
increasingly in competition among themselves – a competition with a potential
to escalate local conflicts, but which could be canalized on productive lines.
Lastly, it needs to be noted that Section 4 of the NEC
Act treats the responsibility of regional planning as distinct from holding
reviews of development and financing schemes.
The moot point is whether an adequate policy framework
and resources have been provided to the NEC to enable it to prepare regional
plans and to guide the member- States towards integrated regional development.
A related issue is that of evolving suitable methodologies
by the Council to carry out regional planning. Likewise, it needs to be
addressed whether the different Ministries of the Union Government with a role
in the development of the region have effectively involved NEC in their
development initiatives.
As, governance and development are so intertwined in the
North East, a possible outline of a scheme to initiate the practice of regional
planning may be indicated:
(a) Regional Plans cannot supplant State plans – such an
exercise will be counterproductive.Regional plans must, therefore, be primarily
directed (at least to begin with) at reducing disparities and avoiding
infructuous inter-State competition. Mechanisms of implementing such plans and
the inter se responsibilities of the States, the NEC and the Union Government
(including the Planning Commission) will need to be worked out in detail.
(b) NEC can fulfil its role as a regional planner, in the
sense outlined above, if the procedures and methods of formulation of plans are
so amended by the Planning Commission that NEC becomes an active participant in
all aspects of planning in the region and in the member-States.
(c) Similarly, some of the ‘heads of development’ could
be transferred out of the State plans and dealt with as part of the regional
plan.
(d) The Union Government will need to work out ways and
means of involving NEC with the schemes and programmes of various nodal
ministries so that the content and delivery of such programmes adequately
reflect the region specific concerns.
(e) Institutionalising regional planning will entail
considerable upgradation and diversification of expertise within the NEC
secretariat including appointment of a Security Adviser.
(f ) Regional planning is particularly relevant to ensure
that the ‘strengths’ of the region are properly utilised. These strengths
include the relatively comfortable land availability and the vast hydroelectric
potential (particularly of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh) with its potential of
more than 40000 Mega Watts promising to make the region the ‘power supplier to
the nation’.
Regional planning
is equally relevant for removing some major inhibiting factors in the development
of the region like prevention of floods, control of soil erosion and large-scale
watershed developments etc. In short, certain ‘subjects’ of planning can be
more gainfully taken up at the supra-State or regional level. It is desirable that
a 10-year perspective plan is prepared for the entire region encompassing areas
like development of human resources and infrastructure. A governance reform
agenda should also form part of this plan.
2DONER
An important organisational issue in the context of the
North East is the formation, initially, of a Department for Development of the
North Eastern Region (DONER) within the Ministry of Home Affairs in 2001 and
its subsequent upgradation to a full fledged Ministry in 2004.
Despite the formation of this Ministry, the Government of
India (Allocation of Business) Rules do not give overall ‘nodal responsibility’
for the region to DONER – this continues with the Ministry of Home Affairs. The
Rules only declare DONER to be the nodal Ministry for the NEC; its other duties
are,
(i) administration of the ‘Non Lapsable Central Pool of
Resources’ (NLC PR),
(ii) development
of irrigation, power, and road works financed from central funds,
(iii) development
of roadways and waterways in the region and
(iv) implementation of special economic packages
sanctioned for individual States. T
he concurrent existence of DONER and NEC has posed issues
of coordination and duplication of efforts. It also deprives the North Eastern
States of the expert guidance of nodal Ministries like Power and Water
Resources as these Ministries have often taken the view that insofar as the
North East is concerned, their responsibilities are now substantially taken over by DONER.
It is also clear that the division of development and
other responsibilities between the MHA and DONER is not conducive to long term
growth and well being of the region – the chronic conflict scenario in the
region requires that its territorial responsibility must continue to be
with the MHA.
it was strongly contended by a cross-section of public
opinion and most of the State Governments that the existence of DONER, apart
from compromising the efficacy of the NEC, has also no added advantage for the
development of the region. There was consensus that meaningful monitoring of
its development is more effectively achieved from Shillong (the NEC headquarters)
than by DONER operating from Delhi.
At the same time,
it was also argued that the limited technical expertise available locally makes
it particularly
important that the nodal Ministries in Government of
India renew their interest in development of its water and power resources and
augmentation of infrastructure – these Ministries appear to have ‘distanced’
themselves from interaction with the North East States after formation of
DONER.
The responsibilities cast on DONER with regard to various
sectors are difficult to discharge unless the Ministry acquires in-house
expertise to enable it to systematically monitor the relevant projects and
schemes.
Similarly, while
the NLC PR offers an innovative mechanism to enable development in a situation
of limited absorptive capacity, there is no reason to believe that its
operation is best carried out by an exclusive agency; on the contrary, it would
be both advisable and expedient if the implementation of initiatives financed
from this ‘pool’ are steered by the subject matter Ministries.
After carefully taking into account all relevant factors,
the Commission is of the view that continuance of a ‘stand alone’ Ministry with
partial responsibility for the region is not in its long term interests. The
Commission, therefore, recommends abolition of DONER. The Commission is further
of the view that with the measures being recommended in this Report for making the NEC a more effective agency
for the over-all growth of the North East through integrated regional planning
and better inter-State coordination, some of the responsibilities of DONER like
sanctions from the NLC PR and monitoring of special economic packages could be
carried out by the NEC (along with the Ministries concerned with the
initiatives being financed from the pool).
The composition of the North Eastern Council as per the
North Eastern Concil (NEC) Act includes the Governors and Chief Minister of
States. After the establishment of DONER, the President under section 3(3) of
the NEC Act has nominated the Union Minister in charge of DONER to be the
Chairman of the North Eastern Council. In case DONER is abolished, a decision will have to be taken
regarding nomination of a Chairman to this high-powered Board. Keeping in view
the composition of the NEC, it is suggested that a senior Union Minister or an
eminent person familiar with the region may be nominated as a Member of
Council, with the rank of a Union Cabinet Minister and consequently as Chairman of the NEC.
12.6.5 Other Regional Institutions
There are more than ten institutions of
inter-State/regional technical , medical and vocational education run by the
NEC and a North Eastern Central Agriculture University with campuses in all
States (including Sikkim) except Assam which have, over the years, contributed
significantly in upgrading human resources of the region and enhanced inter- State
understanding and cooperation. Such institutions have served an important
purpose, though they have little direct role in
conflict resolution. There are, also regional level public sector units with
marketing/promotional roles which were set up to facilitate peace and orderliness
through economic development. Some of the important organisations are dealt with
below:
NEEPCO or the North Eastern Regional
Electrical Projects Corporation is charged with the responsibility of
developing the electricity generation potential of the region not only to meet
the requirements of the North East but also to sell electricity outside the
region – a feasible goal given its very significant hydro-power potential.
While the organisation has created an installed
capacity of around 150 MW, it has not been able to play the role that the
region needs to ensure rapid development of the power sector. Limited
generation of power has not only hampered economic growth but also deprived the
States of a potentially remunerative revenue source.
The
Ministry of Power needs to explore the feasibility of establishing a competent
Energy Authority for the region to more effectively, speedily and optimally
develop its potential and for preparation of a road map for the region. Under
the Authority, linked to NEC, NEEPCO itself would have to be strengthened for
improving its operational capacity. This proposed Authority should be entrusted
with the task of planning and implementing a regional grid linked to the national grid.
NERAMAC or the North Eastern Regional
Agricultural Marketing Corporation is a public sector company to promote
marketing of agricultural and horticulture produce of the region including the
processing of such produce. The Corporation has mainly tried to fulfil its
mandate through running processing plants with very limited success.
It is imperative that it concentrates on
developing markets for the produce of the North East outside the region and
facilitate entrepreneurs in setting up processing plants. The Corporation must
also work towards reducing inter-State competition within the region by working
out a mechanism of developing ‘niche products’ for every State in the region.
NEHHDC or the North Eastern Handloom and
Handicrafts Development Corporation is meant to promote the age-old handloom
and handicrafts sector of the region which are part of its culture and ethos. The decline of this sector
has arguably contributed to a feeling of disaffection in the region but the
activities of NEHHDC have so far not had the desired outcome of turning around
this declining sector. The Ministry of Textiles may take a view about the
viability of this organisation and recommend suitable measures for its revival
or winding up.
NEDFI or the North Eastern Development and Finance
Corporation is a company jointly promoted by a number of financial institutions
to provide finance to industrial houses and entrepreneurs to establish concerns
for development of various sectors of the economy of the region on commercial
lines. The organisation has considerable unrealised potential. NEC may, in
association with the promoters, draw up a concrete action plan for the activities
of this organisation.
Lastly, the Commission would like to draw attention to
some of the regional level institutions which need much greater attention so
that their benefits may accrue to the entire region. The North Eastern Hill
University (NEHU) was set up in 1975 for nurturing the intellectual development
of the entire region. While NEHU has developed some innovative academic programmes,
establishment of Universities in each of the Hill States, and two additional Universities in Assam has resulted in diluting the
‘academic leadership’ role for NEHU.
There is a case for developing this institution as a
centre for excellence for regional issues in economics, politics, culture,
society and environment which transcend inter-State borders. It could also play
a major role as a resource centre for good governance and administration for
the region. Similarly, the North Eastern Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of
Health & Medical Sciences (NEIGRIHMS) Shillong, apart from being
commissioned after considerable delay has not yet been able to emerge as the
regional ‘hub’ for tertiary health care – the primary objective which led to
its inception – consequently large sections of society in this region are
virtually denied access to ‘super specialist’ treatment.
12.6.7 Capacity Building – Miscellaneous
Issues
12.6.7.1 There are a number of matters
concerning development administration and related aspects which could if
properly addressed and resolved minimise future conflicts. Attention may be
briefly invited to the following:
(a) With the primary sector accounting for
55-60 per cent of the income and the secondary sector for 55-60 per cent of the
income, it is the country’s most backward region industrially largely due to
woefully weak infrastructure.
In pursuance of the Prime Minister’s
announcement of ‘New Initiatives for the North Eastern Region’ at Guwahati in
1996, a High Level Commission was appointed under the Chairmanship of Shri S.P.
Shukla, then Member,
Planning Commission to identify gaps in
infrastructure in the North Eastern region and recommend measures for filling
them. The Planning Commission recommended an amount of Rs.1,03,014 crore for
bridging the identified gaps – a recommendation that remains unimplemented.
This recommendation along with the report of the Task Force of the NEC on
Development Initiatives may be taken into account and should form the basis for
assessing the requirement of funds for bridging the infrastructural gaps in the
North East.
(b) To promote industrialisation, a
comprehensive policy framework needs to be evolved and put in place to promote
the region as a preferred investment destination. A major awareness campaign
for marketing the strengths of the region
to potential investors as an attractive destination should be launched. For
improving the limited entrepreneurial base, a major capacity building exercise
for local entrepreneurs should be taken up.
As a necessary first step, governments in the region
should allow free movement and employment of professional/skilled workers from
within the region and outside to provide managerial and technological
leadership. The North East Industrial Policy, 1997 should be extended for 10
years after suitable modification.
Tourism should be identified as a thrust area for
industrial development of the region.
Skills upgradation and skill creation will have to be
given top priority through promotion of vocational education, setting up of
ITIs and polytechnics, and hotel management institutes. Export of services such
as medical and health care workers, and education (English teachers in
particular) could play an important role.
(c) There is need to have a systematic approach to road
construction in the region. A region specific Transport Development Fund should
be set up to which funds from all windows should flow and the fund could be
utilised to finance construction of all-important corridors. The study
commissioned by the North Eastern Council for preparing a Perspective Transport
Plan for Development of North Eastern Region has recommended certain road
corridors for providing connectivity to neighbouring countries. The recommended
corridors need to be examined critically, priorities taken into account and
preparation of feasibility reports undertaken. Road construction and management
practices in the region are different from those followed in other parts of the
country due to its unique climate, topography, geology and administration. A
separate unit for road research, under the Central Road Research Institute,
should be established in the region in order to provide technological support
to road and bridge construction activities.
(d) The rate of unemployment in the region is almost
double the all-India figure.
(e) The need to
adequately exploit the hydroelectric potential, undertaking large scale flood
control and soil conservation measures and development of natural resources has
been briefly discussed in the context of strengthening NEC as a regional
planning body
(g) While some progress has been achieved in bringing all
the States of the region within the rail map of the country, this exercise
should be made more meaningful by providing broadguage connectivity and early
completion of the projects.
(h) In the absence of institutional finance mechanisms,
the bane of money lenders continues. Under-banked areas display a larger
deficit of unexploited potential.Much greater efforts are needed to establish
bank branches and other credit disbursement outlets through further relaxation
and incentivisation in policies of the Reserve Bank and other financial
institutions.
(i) Nagaland has a system of village guards for guarding
border villages adjoining Myanmar. There are approximately 5,000 village guards
who cover Mon and Tuensang districts and Meluri sub-division. They are paid a
monthly salary of Rs.500 only and are issued a uniform once in a
lifetime and are equipped with a firearm. The institution of village guard is
said to have played an important role in protecting villages from militant
attacks and providing security to their villages. It is felt that their
effectiveness would be enhanced if their monthly remuneration is increased and
they are equipped with better weapons.
(j) Due to lack of higher educational infrastructure in
the North East, a very large number of students migrate to other parts of the
country for education leading to a drain of both manpower and financial
resources. This re-emphasises the need for setting up of centres of excellence
for professional and higher education in the North East.
(k) In many of the tribal villages of the North Eastern
States, disputes particularly those relating to land are settled by the village
Councils under customary laws. There is a need to make an in-depth study of the
customary judicial system in order to achieve better understanding and
dissemination of the prevailing norms and practices.
(l) The system of maintenance of formal land records in
the North East is weak and practically absent in tribal areas. This prevents
the land-holders from approaching the banks and financial institutions for
securing loans as also leading to a large number of land related disputes. It is
necessary to evolve a credible system of maintenance of land records.
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